Interview with Philippine activist Siegfried Deduro: “Revolutionaries are freedom fighters, not terrorists”

Redaktion Die Rote Fahne
3. Juli
11 Min. Lesezeit

From the editorial board of The Red Flag

Interview on persecution, imperialist militarization and the national liberation movement in the Philippines

In May, the documentary “Padayon”, which deals with the persecution of democratic and revolutionary people in the Philippines, was shown in a public event in Vienna. Political activists and their families, who were forced to go into political exile to Europe because of persecution, were interviewed in this documentary. In this context, Siegfried Deduro also came to Vienna as a special guest. He and his wife Cynthia are important fighters for the rights of the people within the national liberation movement in the Philippines. The following interview was conducted after this event.

We are very pleased that we had the opportunity to hold this interview with Siegfried Deduro. We believe it to be very important, also in continuation of the jointly organized and successful screening of the film “Padayon” in Austria with him and his wife Cynthia as guests. It should serve the goal to inform about the the situation of the people in the Philippines, especially about the revolutionary struggle and People’s War and to support their struggle for liberation from exploitation and oppression.

The Red Flag: You and your wife Cynthia Deduro are longtime political activists in the Philippines and also survivors of the military dictatorship under Marcos Sr. Now you had to flee and go into political exile to Europe, because you were under severe persecution. Can you tell our readers about the persecution you have suffered and about the situation for political activists in the Philippines in general?

Siegfried Deduro: The situation of political activists in the Philippines is increasingly difficult. There are intervals of relative “calm” between acute social upheavals, but once the succeeding ruling cliques of those who are deposed has consolidated their control of the state machinery, repression intensifies again. Political activism is a dangerous pursuit in our country. In recent history, two people’s uprisings toppled sitting presidents. The first was against Dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. in 1986 (People Power I) and the next was against former President Joseph Estrada in 2001 (People Power II).

The reactionary state uses terrorism to suppress legitimate peoples demands of freedom from US control, land reform, and democracy. The Philippines is maintained as a neo-colony of US imperialism, after the latter “granted” the former nominal independence. US control keep the Philippines as an underdeveloped and pre-industrial country.

Under a neoliberal regime dictated by the US, WTO and WB [Editors remark: Worldbank]; industry and agriculture are controlled by foreign and local big business elite. The economy is framed in a colonial pattern of trade, i.e., dependent on export of raw materials and import of finished products, with USA and other imperialist countries. The so-called industries such as the electronic and auto industries are basically low-value added and assembly type of manufacturing, by foreign companies taking advantage of the low cost skilled local labor.

Basically, the Philippine economy is semi-feudal and semi-colonial. Because of this set-up, the productive forces are prevented from developing by US imperialism and local ruling classes. Such a situation generates chronic crisis.

Elections are dominated by political dynasties. There is no genuine democracy in the Philippines. As the ruling classes cannot rule the old way (meaning the people increasingly are dissatisfied with the so-called “democratic” institutions), they employ fascist methods. These conditions are fertile ground for a strong national liberation movement. Armed resistance (New People’s Army or NPA) against foreign control and local reaction has grown nationwide through leaps and bounds and has developed into the strongest revolutionary force compared to all previous revolutionary forces in Philippine history.

On the personal level, we spent the best years of our youth fighting for national liberation and democracy. We resisted the Marcos Sr.’s fascist dictatorship. Because of our resistance, we were imprisoned without seeing a day in court for our alleged crime. We were also imprisoned under the pseudo-democratic regime of Cory Aquino who succeeded the ousted dictator because of our continuing activism.

When we were released from prison under Fidel Ramos presidency (who succeeded Cory Aquino), we actively participated in the open legal movement for national democracy. Repression of activists continued and became worse during Rodrigo Duterte’s regime.

We were subjected to surveillance by state agents and openly vilified and accused as part of the revolutionary armed movement (NPA). We pushed back legally, challenging our military detractors to file cases against us if they have proofs. No case was filed against us in court. But the red-tagging and malicious accusations intensified.

I sought the court’s protection by filing a petition of Amparo (Spanish word for protection). It was immediately dismissed by a Regional Trial Court (RTC) Judge (with obvious bias against activists), without even requiring the Army General whom I impleaded in my petition, to answer. In the writ of Amparo proceeding, the respondent bears the burden of proof that the claims of the accuser is false.

While waiting for the High Tribunal’s decision on my appeal, we received a very reliable information that we are already on the target list of Duterte’s death squad [Editorial remark: the crimes of ex-president Duterte are discussed later in the interview] in our place. To avoid being killed, we decided to transfer to different places in the country. Eventually, feeling that we are not safe anymore in our country, we sought international protection in Europe. We are now officially considered protected persons in Europe.

We are already in Europe when the Supreme Court made the landmark decision on my case [Siegfred Deduro vs Major General Eric Verano (G.R. No. 254753)], in 2024 declaring that Red-tagging, vilification and guilt by association constitute threats to a person’s life, liberty, and security. We were asked by relatives and friends to go back to the Philippines, but we refused because the current Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of ousted former Dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., continues to pursue fascist policies.

Additionally, notwithstanding UN human rights experts recommendation of dismantling of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) and the repeal of Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), citing their detrimental impact on human rights, particularly freedom of expression and association, Marcos Jr. continues to provide more funds for the said machinery and uses the ATA for the witch-hunting of activists.

RF: The movie that you presented deals with the so-called “red-tagging”. What is the meaning of this term and what role does “red-tagging” play in the suppression of democratic and revolutionary voices of the people in the Philippines?

SD: Red-tagging is a deeply concerning and dangerous practice of publicly labeling progressive legal individuals or organizations as part of the revolutionary armed underground (NPA) and Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). This is dangerous because almost all victims of massacres, extra-judicial killings (EJK), abductions and illegal arrests on trumped up cases -- are first red- tagged to justify attacks. Under the climate of state terrorism, red-tagging is used to “justify” illegal acts of the state, specially under former President Rodrigo Duterte’s. The government “normalizes” labeling activist as “communists” and “terrorists”. In reality, revolutionaries are freedom fighters, not terrorists. In the Philippine context, it is the government that terrorizes the people.

RF: The report of the of ex-President Rordrigo Duterte was big news in the international media. The Austrian media also reported on it, but not on the current situation in the country. What crimes were committed by Duterte under the slogan of the “war on drugs”? How is the war against the people being continued today by the Marcos Jr. Government?

Siegfried Deduro: March 11, 2025 was a momentous day for victims of Former President Rodrigo Duterte’s (FPRD) bloody fake war on drugs. It was when Duterte’s bluster ended as he was arrested by the Philippine National Police (PNP) by virtue of the warrant of arrest issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC), and was flown to the Hague, Netherlands.

This was poetic justice for the Filipino people who suffered from state-instigated terrorism under Duterte’s presidency. FPRD’s trial in the ICC opens a new frontier for Filipinos’ struggle for justice and serves as a warning for other despots.

A review of President Rodrigo Duterte's fourth year in office included a damning UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (OHCHR) report on widespread extrajudicial killings, the passage of a widely contested anti-terrorism legislation and a bungled response to the coronavirus pandemic.

According to the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency, between 1 July 2016 and 31 January 2020 the police killed 5,601 people. Various government agencies have put out conflicting figures and have proved reluctant to disclose documents relating to the killings to the Supreme Court and the Commission on Human Rights.

There are also reports of widespread drug-related killings perpetrated by unidentified “vigilantes”. Duterte administration’s 2017 year-end report mentions 16,355 “homicide cases under investigation” as accomplishments in the fight against illegal drugs. This prompted the Supreme Court to raise the possibility that the killings were State-sponsored. Noting that drugs operations by the police and homicides perpetrated by unidentified persons resulted in 20,322 deaths from July 1, 2016 to November 27, 2017, the Supreme Court demanded an explanation for the staggering average of nearly 40 deaths per day. In March 2019, the police claimed that although 29,000 deaths were labelled as “deaths under inquiry” between July 1,2016 and February 4,2019, only 3,062 (9.47 per cent) were drug-related. A previous study, however, had found that the police severely under-reported the percentage of drug-related killings among homicides.

Poll surveys in the Philippines show that majority of Filipinos favor that Duterte to undergo trial for his case of crimes against humanity. Duterte’s powerful influence in the Philippines make it impossible for victims of his bloody war on drugs to have justice. They support the ICC.

It is to the best interest of Filipinos that the Philippines rejoin the ICC. The international Tribunal serves as the court of last resort for ordinary Filipinos. The judicial system in the Philippines heavily skewed in favor of the rich and powerful, justice is denied to those who are economically and politically disadvantaged. Even the UN OHCHR [Editors remark: United Nations Office of the High Commissionner for Human Rights] supports this idea.

Duterte is the second former Philippine president to be tried outside of the country. The first was former Dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., the father of now president Marcos Jr.. Like Duterte, it was impossible to hold him accountable for his crimes against the Filipino people in the country. Marcos Sr. was tried and convicted in Hawaii District Court in the U.S.A. after he was ousted as martial law dictador in the Philippines.

Marcos Jr. pursues the war against illegal drug but less bloody, as of the moment.

RF: We often address the issue of imperialist war and the struggle against it in our newspaper. This is also a central issue in whole Europe (as we have seen for example in Austria with warmongering and militarization in the course of the Ukraine war), but not limited to that, it is generally a question of the world situation. The Pacific region is also increasingly becoming the focus of new conflicts and global war preparations of the imperialists. For example, the “Balikatan” military exercises are currently taking place in the Philippines together with the USA. 15.000 soldiers are deployed there. Do you see these exercises, which have a strong focus on the maritime border with China, as preparation for aggression led by the USA? What role does the regime in the Philippines play in the imperialists' war plans?

Siegfried Deduro: Yes, the militarization of the Philippines is part of the US war preparation against China, in its aim of recovering sole global dominance. The US is using the legitimate claim of the Philippines in the South China Sea to drag the country into its war mongering activities against China.

But the truth is, long before the Philippines had maritime conflict with China, U.S. President Barack Obama's East Asia Strategy (2009–2017), also known as the Pivot to Asia, represented a significant shift in the foreign policy of the United States since the 2010s. It shifted the country's focus away from the Middle Eastern and European sphere and allowed it to invest heavily and build relationships in East Asian and Southeast Asian countries, especially countries which are in close proximity to the People's Republic of China (PRC) either economically, geographically or politically to counter its rise as a rival potential superpower.

U. S. military forces in the Pacific are deploying large numbers of drone weapons and increasing overall force readiness in preparation for a potential 2027 war with China, according to the commander of the Indo-Pacific Command.

The Philippines, along with South Korea, and Japan is part of the US first island chain strategy. The island chain strategy is a strategic maritime containment plan first conceived by former U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles in 1951, during the Korean War. It proposed surrounding the Soviet Union and China with naval bases in the West Pacific to project power and restrict sea access.

RF: All over the world we see how the militarization of those in power goes hand in hand with attacks on the rights of the people. In the Philippines, for example, plans have also been announced for US soldiers to become part of internal operations inside the country as part of the “Balikatan” exercises, i.e. to be deployed against the Filipino people. What consequences does imperialist militarization have for the situation and the rights of the people in the Philippines? Is there resistance against it?

SD: On 25 April 2025, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) through its Chief Information Officer Marco Valbuena, strongly condemned the US-Marcos regime for gross violations of Philippine sovereignty in allowing American troops to join counter-guerilla operations in the provinces of Aurora and Quezon provinces.

Local units of the New People’s Army (NPA) reported that American soldiers were seen together with troops of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) conducting “clearing operations” in Umiray, Dingalan, province of Aurora in the first week of April. These military operations cover wide interior areas from Dingalan to General Tinio in the province od Nueva Ecija, causing grave hardships for the residents who have been prohibited from working on their fields and swidden farms.

American soldiers were also sighted joining AFP troops conducting counterinsurgency patrols in the towns of Lopez, Gumaca, Macalelon, General Luna and Catanauan in the province of Quezon.

This is already like the early stages of US direct military intervention in the Vietnam war.

The US also assist the AFP in combat operations by providing advanced military hardware and technology used by the AFP in its internal counter-guerilla operations.

There is a strong anti-US imperialist sentiment and movement in the Philippines, but the US narrative of portraying China as the enemy dominates. Sinophobia is still prevalent among a significant number of the unenlightened Filipinos.

More efforts should be exerted to expose the puppetry of Marcos Jr. to US imperialism.

RF: The Philippines are ever more openly used as a pawn in the imperialist war in which the Filipino people will become cannon fodder, especially for the USA. At the same time, the Philippines has a diverse and strong movement of national liberation struggle. In your view, what should be the answer to imperialist militarism from the standpoint of revolutionary national liberation?

A radical systemic change is needed to free the Philippines from foreign control and local reaction.

Winning the struggle against US imperialism and domestic reaction is the most significant contribution of the national democratic movement in the Philippines to the global struggle against imperialism.

RF: The screening of “Padayon” in mid-May with you as a guest, which was also organized by the ADRV, was of great importance to inform about the situation in the Philippines. In the past, too, there have often been solidarity actions, for example with political prisoners or, during the “drug war” under Duterte, a theater performance by the progressive cultural group “Tao Po”. We see these as extremely important expressions of friendship among the people and the common struggle against imperialism. You are familiar with the political movement in Europe. In your opinion, how can we in Austria best support the struggle of the Filipino people? What issues and tasks do you see as central here?

SD: I think the best support of progressive organizations and individuals in Austria to the Philippine national liberation movement is to organize and strengthen solidarity organizations, like the International Coalition on Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP), the Friends of Filipino People in Struggle (FFPS), and the International League of Peoples Struggle (ILPS).

Through organized efforts, we can promote better understanding of the Filipino realities and struggle, support campaigns in the Philippines and globally, and promote international solidarity.

RF: We would like to thank you very much for the interview!

Editorial board of The Red Flag